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MAIN 


SPEECHES 


HORATIO  SEYMOUR, 

M  V 


T  THE   CONVENTIONS 


[Ibany  January  31, 1861,  and  September  10, 1862. 


;>;.: 

: 


SPEECHES 


OIF1 


HON.  HORATIO  SEYMOUR, 

\\  J 

AT   THE   CONVENTIONS 
Held  at  Albany  January  31, 1861,  and  September  10, 1862. 


t 


SPEECHES 


HON.  HORATIO  SEYMOUR 


At  the  Conventions  held  at  Albany  January 
31,  1861,  and  September  10,  1862. 


GOV,  SEYMOUR'S 


At  the  Convention  held  at  Albany, 
January  3M  1861. 


Hon.  HORATIO  SEYMOUR  appeared  upon  the 
stand,  aud  was  received  with  loud  and  long 
continued  applause.  He  said  : 

It  has  been  truly  said  by  the  President  of 
this  Convention  that  we  do  not  meet  for  parti 
san  purposes,  although  we  are  assembled  in 
pursuance  of  a  call  issued  by  a  political  organi 
zation .  There  was  no  other  mode  by  which 
we  could  act  as  a  representative  body.  The 
people  of  the  State  are  divided  into  two  great 
parties,  one  of  which  gave  at  the  late  Presiden 
tial  contest  more  than  three  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand,  and  the  other  more  than  three  hun 
dred  and  ten  thousand  votes  for  their  respec 
tive  candidates.  We  have  waited  with  patient 
expectation  for  some  effort  on  the  part  of  the 
responsible  majority  to  avert  the  calamities 
which  overhang  our  country.  We  have  hailed 
with  joy  every  indication  of  a  desire  on  their 
part  to  meet  the  duties  of  their  position.  We 
have  given  a  cordial  approval  to  every  patriotic 
expression  coming  from  individuals  of  that  par 
ty,  whether  uttered  through  his  Journal  by  the 
able  Republican  leader  of  the  State,  by  the 
distinguished  Senator  at  Washington,  or  by  a 
patriotic  and  intelligent  Member  of  our  Legis 
lature.  The  hopes  excited  by  those  expres 
sions  have  died  away.  Our  country  is  on  the 
verge  of  ruin,  and  now,  in  behalf  of  the  great 
organization  we  represent  and  of  those  who, 
fcioca  the  late  election,  have  joined  our  ranks, 
we  meet  to  confront  the  dangers  which  menace 
us.  I  believe  in  oar  resolutions  we  shall  utter 


the  sentiments  of  a  vast  majority  of  tbe  people 
of  New  York-  We  shall  rne  above  political 
purposes.  We  shall  indulge  in  no  reproac'neH  — 
patriotic  purposes  in  the  past  must  ba  shown 
by  patriotic  action  now.  The  acts  of  this  day 
will  throw  light  upon  onr  motives  in  what  we 
have  done,  aud  will  influence  our  conduct  in 
the  future. 

As  I  have  been  placed  upon  the  committee 
which  is  to  frame  resolutions  for  your  conside 
ration,  I  wish  to  state  my  views  of  the  policy 
which  should  guide  us  and  the  sentiments  we 
should  put  forth  to  the  world. 

Three  score  and  ten  years,  the  period  alloted 
for  the  lifo  of  man,  have  rolled  away  since 
George  Washington  was  Inaugurated  first  Presi 
dent  of  tbe  United  States,  in  the  city  of  New 
York.  We  were  then  among  the  feeblest  peo 
ple  cf  the  earth.  The  flag  of  Great  Britain  still 
waved  over  Oswego  with  insulting  defiance  of 
our  national  rights,  and  the  treaty  recognizing 
our  independence.  The  powers  of  the  world  re 
garded  us  with  indifference  or  treated  us  with 
contemptuous  injustice.  So  swift  has  been  our 
progress  under  the  influence  of  our  Union  that 
but  yesterday  we  could  defy  the  world  in  arms, 
and  none  dared  to  insult  our  flag.  When  our 
Constitution  was  inaugurated  the  ntmost  en 
thusiasm  pervaded  our  land.  Stern  warriors 
who  had  fought  the  battles  of  the  Revolution 
wept  for  joy.  Glad  processions  of  men  and 
women  marched  with  triumphal  pride  along 
the  streets  of  our  cities— holy  men  of  God 
prayed  in  his  Temples  that  the  spirit  of  fra 
ternal  love,  which  had  shaped  the  compromises 
of  th@  Constitution,  might  never  fade  away, 
and  that  sectional  bigotry,  hate  and  discord 
might  never  curse  our  land.  Amid  this  wild 
enthusiasm  there  was  no  imagination  so  excited, 
nor  piety  with  faith  so  strong  that  it  foresaw 


the  full  influence  of  the  event  then  celebrated. 
S<jui6*y6t  live  £a  sea  our  numbers  increased 
froinc'four  to  thirty  naiilfons,  our  territories 
quadrupled  and  extended  from  the  Atlantic  to 
\tfy e'tucHic  ,  our. power  ajdd  progress  tf<e  wonder 
of  th&world.- '  Aias;  sir,'  they  also  live  to  see 
the  patriotism  and  fraternal  love,  which  have 
wrought  out  these  marvelloas  results,  die  out, 
and  the  mighty  fabric  of  our  government  about 
to  crumble  and  fall,  because  the  virtues  which 
reared  and  upheld  it  have  departed  from  our 
councils'. 

What  spectacle  do  we  present  to-day  ?  Al 
ready  six  States  have  withdrawn  from  this 
Confederacy.  Revolution  has  actually  begun. 
The  term  ''secession"  divests  it  of  none  of  its 
terrors,  nor  do  arguments  to  prove  secession 
inconsistent  with  our  Constitution  stay  its  pro 
gress,  or  mitigate  its  evils.  All  virtue,  patriot 
ism  and  intelligence  seem  to  have  fled  from  our 
national  Capitol;  it,  has  been  well  likened  to  the 
conflagration  of  an  asylum  for  madmen — some 
look  on  with  idiotic  imbecility,  some  in  sullen 
silence,  and  some  scatter  the  h'rebrands  which 
consume  the  fabric  above  them,  and  bring  upon 
all  a  common  destruction.  Js  there  one  revolt 
ing  aspect  in  this  scene  win  sas  not  its  paral 
lel  at  the  Capitol  of  your  country?  Do  you 
not  see  tuere  the  senseless  imbecility,  the  gar 
rulous  idiocy,  the  maddened  rage  displayed 
with  regard  to  petty  personal  passions  and 
party  purposes,  while  the  glory,  the  honor  and 
the  safety  of  the  country  are  all  forgotten.  The 
eame  pervading  fanaticism  has  brought  evil 
upon  all  the  institutions  of  our  land.  Our 
churches  are  to-'n  asunder  and  desecrated  to 
partisan  purposes.  The  wrongs  of  our  local 
legislation,  the  growing  burdens  of  debt  and 
taxation,  the  gradual  destruction  of  the  Afri 
can  in  the  free  States,  which  is  marked  by 
each  recurring  census,  are  all  due  to  the  ne 
glect  of  our  own  duties,  caused  by  the  com 
plete  absorption  of  the  public  mind  by  a  sense 
less,  unreasoning  fanaticism.  The  agitation  of 
the  question  of  slavery  has  thus  far  brought 
greater  social,  moral  and  legislative  evils  upon 
the  people  of  the  free  States  than  it  has  upon 
the  institutions  of  those  against  whom  it  has 
been  excited.  The  wisdom  of  Franklin  stamped 
upon  the  S^t  coin  issued  by  our  government, 
the  wise  u»otto,  "  mind  your  business  !"  The 
violation  ot  the  uomely  proverb  which  lies  at 
the  forinirtion  of  the  doctrines  of  local  rights 
has,  thur  -ar,  proved  more  hurtful  to  the  med 
dlers  k  >.?  «..-r'*Jrn  of  others  thai1  to  those 
against  uK.^  is;g  pragmatic  aul.  IH  directed. 

The  >_':*i  t.i<.-uiai'  buo}^t,  of  conirove/?y  at  this 
moment  ID  ;aw  t-,>i'.'"ion&l  quystkm.  "Wju^n  our 
ConstiPU',*.":  v,  -..:•::  foiuj.od,  <<ur  government  em 
braced  Mi  .>aaa  of  820,GHv  square  miles.  Since 
that  tWe  >.'  oai  oet?n  expanded  by  different  ac- 
qoib't;:.)::.-;  lo  ,,  ;e  vast  extent  of  2,936,105  square 
miles.  Tn.'fc  expansion  \vc.r,  sot  contemplated 
by  tbd  fra.iioie  of  or<r  OO^.VA'  udoii,  and  Mr. 
Jefferv<,-:i  5ocia,?.od,  at  theiliuuGi  the  Louis'ana 
purcJiASo,  t.»  at  t  should  be  made  the  subject 
of  a  OowUiouonal  amendment.  This  wise 
suggestion  Yvas  unheeded,  and  we  have  at 
tempted  to  .sfCYdrji  our  ditfejxiat  acquisitions  by 


principles  inferred,  from  a  constitution  which 
did  not  contemplate  such  exigencies.  It  is  not 
surprising,  therefore,  that  the  opinions  of  men 
and  the  policy  of  government  have  been  unset 
tled  and  conflicting. 

Thus  far,  the  North  has  had  greatly  the  ad 
vantage  in  the  division  of  these  acquisiiions, 
and  the  political  power  which  emanates  from 
the  creation  of  States,  made  from  their  limits 
Five  free  and  five  slave  States  have  been  erec 
ted  from  territories  gained  since  the  adoption 
of  our  Constitution.  The  free  States  have  the 
whole  of  the  Pacific  coast  and  the  largest  of 
value  and  extent  in  the  remaining  territories, 
lie  north  of  a  line  which  bounds  the  regiom 
where  slavery  can  bo  employed,  and  lie,  too, 
upon  the  pathway  of  European  and  Northern 
immigration.  Oar  acquisitions  since  1773,  have 
extended  the  Southern  States  and  Territories 
to  882  215  square  miles,  while  the  North  has 
expanded  to  1,201, 204  square  miles.  Assum 
ing  that  the  Northwestern  territory  belonged 
to  Virginia,  and  deducting  that  from  the  area 
of  the  South,  it  will  be  found  that  the  South 
has  increased  less  than  fifty  per  cent,  and  the 
north  nearly  1100  per  cent,  in  extent,  since  the 
Revolution.  The  South  has  relinquished  to  the 
North  251,671  square  miles,  constituting  the 
present  States  of  Ohio.  Indiana,  Illinois,  Michi 
gan,  and  Wisconsin.  The  North  has  never  re 
linquished  one  foot  of  the  original  territory, 
and  in  the  divisions  of  that  which  has  been  ac 
quired,  it  has  succeeded  in  gaining  the  largest 
proportion. 

This  controversy  does  not  grow  out  of  a  claim 
by  either  party  that  the  Constitution  shall  be 
changed,  but  with  regard  to  the  construction 
that  should  be  given  to  that  instrument.  The 
South  claim  that  they  have  a  right  to  take  their 
slaves  into  all  the  territories,  by  virtue  of  the 
Constitutional  compact,  as  construed  by  the 
Supreme  Court,  and  because  slavery  originally 
existed  in  them,  with  the  exception  of  those 
gained  from  Mexico.  They  deny  that  slavery 
was  abolished  when  they  were  added  to  our 
Union,  and  they  deny  the  power  of  Congress  to 
legislate  against  those  rights  of  property  which 
were  recognized  in  our  whole  country  at  the 
time  of  the  Revolution,  and  which  were  upheld 
by  the  laws  of  every  State,  save  one,  when  the 
Constitution  was  formed. 

The  South  does  not  ask  to  extend  slavery. 
They  say  it  exists  in  the  Territories.  The  Repub 
licans  assert  that  slavery  shall  not  be  extended. 
They  contend  that  it  does  not  exist  in  the  Tec- 
ritofies,  but  not  content  with  leaving  this  ques 
tion  to  the  decision  of  the  appointed  tribunals, 
they  demand  legislation  in  tLe  form  of  provisos 
or  declarations  in  the  nature  of  that  contained 
in  the  ordinance  regarding  the  northwest, 
which  assume  the  existence  of  slavery  in 
the  disputed  regions,  in  the  absence  of  positive 
prohibitions.  They  show  a  distrust  in  their 
own  constitutional  constructions  and  historical 
statements"  by  demanding  Congressional  inter 
ferences  and  restraints  and  under  the  cry  of 
''No  Extension!"  they  are  in  fact  agitating  for 
repeal  and  restrictions  which  are  of  no  signifi 
cance  unless  slavery  has  the  legal  existence 


3 


which  they  deny. 

Our  fathers  disposed  of  the  same  or  similar 
difficulties,  by  compromises.  Adjustments  have 
been  made  from  time  tp  time  in  the  progress  of 
of  oar  government.  The  condition  of  our  af 
fairs  forces  upon  us  tbe  alternative  of  compro 
mise  or  civil  war.  Let  us  contemplate  the  lat 
ter  alternative.  "We  are  advised  by  the  conser 
vative  States  of  Virginia  and  Kentucky  that  if 
force  is  to  be  used  it  must  be  exerted  against 
the  united  South.  It  would  be  an  act  of  folly 
and  madness,  in  entering  upon  this  contest,  to 
underrate  our  opponents,  and  thus  subject  our 
selves  to  the  disgrace  of  defeat  in  an  inglorious 
warfare.  Let  us  also  see  if  successful  coercion 
by  the  North  is  less  revolutionary  than  success 
ful  secession  by  tbe  South.  Shall  we  prevent 
revolution  by  being  foremost  in  overthrowing 
the  principles  of  our  government,  and  all  that 
makes  it  valuable  to  our  people,  and  distin 
guishes  it  among  the  nations  of  the  earth? — 
Upon  whom  are  we  to  wage  war?  Our  own 
countrymen,  whose  white  population  is  three 
fold  that  of  the  whole  country  in  the  tirop^f 
the  Revolution.  Their  courage  has  never  been 
questioned  in  any  contest  in  which  we  have 
been  engaged.  They  battled  by  our  side  with 
equal  valor  in  the  Revolutionary  struggle,  in 
the  last  war  with  Great  Britain,  and  in  the 
Mexican  conflict.  Virginia  sent  her  sons,  under 
the  command  of  Washington,  to  the  relief  of 
beleaguered  Boston.  Alone,  the  South  de 
feated  the  last  and  most  desperate  effort  of 
British  power  to  divide  our  country,  at  the  bat 
tle  of  New  Orleans  From  the  days  of  Wash- | 
ington  lill  this  time,  they  have  furnished  their  j 
full  proportion  of  Soldiers  for  the  field,  of 
Statesmen  for  tbe  cabinet,  and  of  wi-e  and 

:  patriotic  Senators  for  our  legislative  halls. 

It  is  only  b'gotted  ignorance  that  denies  the 
equality  of  tbeir  public  men  to  those  of  the 
North.  To  assume  that  our  brethern  in  fifteen 

»  States  lack  tbe  capacity  to  understand,  and  the 
ability  to  protect  tbeir  own  interests,  is  to  as 
sume  that  our  government  is  a  failure,  and 
ought  to  be  overturned.  It  is  to  declare  that 
nearly  one-half  of  our  people  are  incapable  of 
self  government.  They  have  a  vast  extent  of 
fertile  land  producing,  not  only  the  cotton, 
rice  and  sugar  cultivated  in  the  United  States. 

,  but  a  great  abundance  of  the  cereals  and  of  ani 
mal  food.  Tbe  census  of  1850  shows  that  they 
produce  more  than  one-half  of  the  Indian  Corn 
and  of  tbe  live  stock  raised  in  the  United  Stated, 

j  and  that,  th'y  also  manufactured  one-sixth  of 
tbe  cotton  cloth,  one-quarter  of  the  raw  and 
one-sixth  of  tbe  wroneht  iron  made  in  our 
country.  In  addition  they  have  a  vast  abun 
dance  rf  coal,  iron,  copper  and  lead,  and  every 
element  of  wealth  and  streng  h.  Tbey  have 
availed  th  Twelves  of  these  advantages  to  an 
„  extent  far  exceeding  what  is  understood  by  the 
people  of  tbe  North. 

I  beg  those  who  have  been  misled  by  constant 
acH  designed  misrepresentation  to  study  the 
statistics  of  our  country,  and  they  will  see  how 
grossly  they  have  been  deceived.  A  war  upon 
them  would  lead  to  still  greater  development  of 
their  industry  in  competition  with  our  own,  as 


the  late  war  with  Great  Britain  made  the  United 
States  her  most  formidable  competitor  in  manu 
facturing  and  in  the  arts.  When  we  compare 
our  local  legislation  with  theirp,  ^e  have  reason 
to  blush,  The  united  debts  of  th:;  Slave  States, 
excepting  Virginia  and  Missouri,  are  not  equal 
to  that  of  Pennsylvania,  and  their  taxation  less 
than  that  imposed  upon  the  peop'a  of  the  State 
of  New  York ;  and  yet  they  have  an  extended 
and  effective  system  of  internal  improvement, 
while  they  have  avoided  the  ruincas  competition 
growing  out  of  an  undue  number  of  railroads, 
&c. 

In  what  way  is  this  warfare  to  be  conducted? 
None  have  been  mad  enough  ta  propose  to 
muster  armies  to  occupy  their  territory.  Great 
Britain  tried  that  in  the  Revolution,  when  the 
population  of  the  South  was  less  than  2,000,- 
000.  She  attempted  invasion  again  in  the  late 
war,  when  their  numbers  were  less  than  3.500,- 
000.  Nay,  more,  while  she  armed  Indian 
savages  to  carry  murder  and  rapine  into  the 
homes  of  the  North,  she  attempted  to  excite  a 
servile  insurrection  in  the  South.  For  this  we 
cursed  her  brutal  inhumanity.  Her  own  in 
dignant  statesmen  expressed  their  abhorrence 
on  the  floor  of  Parliament;  and  yet,  at  this  day, 
those  who  quote  British  journals  to  influence 
American  opinions,  have  intimated  that  there 
might  be  a  gratification  of  their  hate  in  the 
burning  homes  of  murdered  families  of  their 
own  countrymen,  or  by  cutting  the  embank 
ments  of  the  Mississippi  and  submerging  their 
land. 

But  some  have  suggested  with  complacent 
air  that  the  South  could  be  easily  subjugated 
by  blockading  their  ports  with  a  few  ships  of 
war.  Let  these  gentlmen  study  tbe  geogra 
phy  of  our  country.  While  the  Atlantic  coast 
line  of  the  Northern  States  is  851  miles,  that 
of  the  South,  including  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  ia 
3,076.  We  have  189  and  they  have  249  har 
bors.  Great  Britain,  with  her  immense  Heet.- 
attempted  blockade,  and  failed.  But,  assuming 
the  success  of  this  measure,  who  are  to  be  tbe 
sufferers?  Are  we  waging  war  upon  tbe  South 
or  upon  tbe  North?  Upon  the  Southern  plan 
ter,  or  upon  the  Northern  merchant,  manu 
facturer  and  mechanic?  This  coasting  trade  is 
tbe  chief  support  of  Northern  commerce — the 
prise  which  Great  Britain  struggled  so  long 
and  persistently  to  gain.  Not  only  do  oar 
ships  carry  the  products  of  the  South,  but,  at 
this  time,  our  manufacturers  annually  consume 
rf  their  cotton  to  the  amount  of  more  than 
$40.000,000.  In  the  hands  of  Northern  car 
riers  and  artisans,  this  becomes  worth  more 
than  $150  000  000.  The  whole  price  for  the 
cotton  crop  received  from  all  the  world  about 
$200  000  000  each  year,  is  paid  out  to  the  labor 
and  industry  of  the  North.  We  can  intl'ct 
great  misery  upon  the  South,  but  could  human 
ingenuity  devise  a  warfare  more  destructive  to 
all  the  interests  of  the  Northern  States  <  f  this 
Confederacy  ?  But,  say  our  Republican  friends, 
these  evils  may  be  averted  by  our  internal 
channels.  If  we  thus  evade  the  blockade  of 
the  South,  to  what  end  is  all  it  cost  brought  on 
us?  Is  it  an  object  to  disturb  the  course  of 


trade,  in  order  to  ruin  Northern  seamsn  and 
merchants  and  cities? 

But  let  us  leave  these  pecuniary  considera 
tions  for  others  more  weighty  with  every  pa 
triot.  Upon  what  tield  shall  this  contest  be 
waved  ?  Upon  what  spot  shall  American  shed 
American  qiood  ?  Whore,  on  this  broad  con 
tinent,  shall  we  find  the  arena,  where  every 
association  acd  memory  of  the  past  will  not 
forbid  this  fratricidal  contest  I  Or,  whea  un 
natural  war  shall  have  brought  upon  our  peo 
ple  its  ruin,  and  upon  our  nation  its  shame,  to 
what  ground  shall  we  be  brought  at  last  ?  To 
that  we  should  have  accepted  at  the  outset. 

The  question  is  simply  this:  Shall  we  have 
compromise  after  the  war,  or  compromise  with 
out  war*  Shall  we  be  aided  in  this  settlement 
by  the  loss  of  national  honor,  the  destruction 
of  individual  interest,  the  shedding  of  blood, 
and  by  carrying  misery  and  mourning  into  the 
homes  of  our  people?  Mr.  President,  the  honor 
of  the  North,  the  parties  to  the  controversy, 
and  the  object  in  dispute,  demand  a  compro 
mise  of  this  difficulty.  I  say  the  honor  of  the 
North  demands  a  conciliatory  policy.  When 
our  Constitution  was  formed  there  was  but  one 
free  State.  To  day  there  are  19  free  and  15 
slave  States.  Then  there  were  but  two  Sena 
tors  from  the  free  States;  now  we  have  a  ma 
jority  of  eight  in  the  Senate,  and  this  will  soon 
be  increased.  Than  there  were  but  eight  re 
presentatives  from  the  free  States;  un.er  the 
census  of  1860  we  will  have  the  proportion  of 
151  members  to  75.  Then  our  population  was 
about  equally  divided  between  the  Northern 
and  Southern  States  (the  Njrth  1  968,455,  the 
South  1,961,372;)  to-day  we  number  more  than 
18,000  000,  they  about  12  000  000. 

These  results   are  due  not  alone   to  natural 


causes,    but    to  the 
commercial    interest 


policy  that  favored   the 
and    immigration    from 


other  lands.     This  policy  has   ever   been   up- 


them  in  the  pist,  now  becoming  their  moat 
bitter  and  unscrupulous  assailants,  when  their 
political  powtr  is  weakened? 

It  grows  out  of  the  acquisition  of  territories 
not  contemplated  by  the  Constitution— out  of 
an  expansion  of  our  territory  from  820,680  to 
2  936  166  square  miles.  In  the  progress  of  our 
country  this  has  given  rise  to  contiiciiua;  views, 
and  our  leading  statesman  have,  at  different 
times,  held  incontistent  opinions.  Mr.  C/alhoun, 
at  one  time,  decided,  while  a  member  of  the 
Cabinet,  that  Congress  had  the  power  of  legis 
lating  upon  territorial  questions.  At  a  later 
day  he  took  the  opposite  ground.  John  Quincy 
Adams,  who  opposed  the  admission  of  Mis 
souri  as  a  slave  State  in  1836,  on  the  occasion 
of  the  admission  of  Arkansas,  used  the  follow 
ing  language: 

"Mr.  CHAIRMAN— I  cannot  consistently  with 
my  sense  of  my  obligations  as  a  citizen  of  the 
United  States,  and  bound  by  oath  to  support 
their  Constitution,  /  cannot  object  to  the  admis 
sion  of  Arkansas  into  the  Union  as  a  slave  State; 
I  cannot  propose  or  agree  to  make  it  a  condition 
of  her  admission  that  a  Convention  of  her  peo 
ple  shall  expunge  this  article  from  her  Constitu 
tion.  She  is  entitled  to  admission  as  a  slave 
State  as  Louisiana  and  Mississippi,  and  Ala 
bama  .  and  Missouri,  have  been  admitted,  by 
virtue  of  that  article  in  the  treaty  for  the  ac 
quisition  of  Louisiana,  which  secures  to  the  in 
habitants  of  the  ceded  territories  all  the  rights, 
privileges  and  immunities  of  tha  original  citi- 
Zrfns  of  the  United  States,  and  stipulates  for 
their  admission,  conformably  to  that  principle, 
into  the  Union.  Louisiana  was  purchased  as  a 
i  country  wherein  slavery  was  the  established 
j  law  of  the  land.  As  Congress  have  not  power  in 
time  of  peace  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  original 
States  of  the  Union,  they  are  equally  destitute 
of  the  power  in  those  parts  of  the  territory 
ceded  by  France  to  the  United  States,  by  the 


subject  of  internal  legislation  in  the  States,  and 
in  peace  is  cognizable  by  Congress  only,  as  it  is 


held  loyally   by  the    South,  and   history   tells  |  name   of  Louisiana,  where  slavery   existed  at 

you    by    whom    it    was  opposed.      Would    it  j  the  acquisition.     Slavery  is,  in  this  Union,  the 

not  be  base  and  cowardiy  to  withold  at  this  day 

those  courtesi3s   and  that  consideration   which 

we  showed   in  the  days   of  their  comparative  !  tacitly  tolerated  and  protected  where  it  exists 

strength?    lid   not  one  of  our    distinguished 

Senators  then  declare  that  comity  demanded 

that  we  should  permit  them  to  travel   through 

our  State  with  their  slaves,  and  that,  therefore, 


by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and 
as  it  mingles  in  their  intercourse  with  other 
nations.  Arkansas,  therefore,  comes,  and  has 
the  right  to  come  into  the  Union  with  her  slaves 
and  her  slave  laws.  It  is  written  in  the  bond, 
and  however  I  rpay  lament  that  it  ever  was  so 

nine  months;  and  did  not  his  colleague,  then  a  |  written,  I  must  faithfully  perform   its  obiiga- 

member  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  vote   tions ." 

against   allowing   a  petition    for    abolition    of       The  region  acquired  by  the   Louisiana  pur 


he  was  opposed  to  the  repeal  of  the  law  which 
allowed   them  to  remain   here  for  a  period   of 


slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  to  be  read 
or  referred?  Were  bills  designed  to  embar 
rass  the  exerc'se  of  their  rights  to  reclaim  fugi 
tives,  then  found  upon  tha  Statute  books  of  the 
Northern  States?  By  the  increase  of  our  popula 
tion,  nnder  the  adjustment  of  the  Constitution, 
the  power  and  control  of  the  destinies  of  our  coun 
try,  are  placed  in  the  hand  of  the  North.  Does 
not  every  sentiment  of  patriotism  and  of  hones 
ty  demand  that  we  shall  exercise  this  power  in 
a  spirit  of  conciliation  and  forbearance?  And 
is  it  not  a  just  cause  for  alarm  to  our  Southern 
brethren  To"  finU  nuflrtnd  journals  wlftr  Stood  by 


chase,  extending  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  to 
the  Canadian  line,  and,  on  its  Northern  limit, 
reaching  from  the  Mississippi  to  the  P*cidc, 
comprehends  most  that  is  valuable  and  impor 
tant  of  the  remaining  territories.  Citizens  of 
the  South  hold  as  confidently  and  as  sincerely 
that  they  are  entitled  to  carry  their  slaves  into 
this  region,  as  does  the  Republican  that  tluy 
have  no  such  right.  We  have  had,  heretofore, 
similar  questions  of  jurisdiction  between  our 
own  and  foreign  governments.  When  Great 
Britain  seized,  in  the  Northeast,  a  portion  of 
our  Country)  wiiich  wo  held  by  tho  sacred  litlo 


5 


y  fh*  Wood  and  suffering*  of  the  Revo- 
1  t  i  n,  every  Anaeri  an  btninved  it  was  aa  an 
ju  t  i;.v  si  LI;  but  we  adjusted  the  ditliculty  by 
a  new  bou>  dary.  Again,  when  she  made  a 
Claim  on  a  part  of  the  same  Louisiana  purchase 
on  the  northwest  coast,  we  denu-d  its  justice, 
but  yielded  up  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  crown 
167  365  square  miles  of  the  most  valuable  part 
of  the  Pacific  coast,  including  its  finest  harbors 
and  greatest  commercial  facilities.  We  cave 
r.p  aa  aiea  greater  than  New  England,  New 
York,  Pennsylvania  and  Ne,v  Jersey  combined. 
Shall  we  yield  to  a  forei  -u  aa!i  >n  and  to  a  sys 
tem  of  government  condemned  by  our  Consti 
tution,  what  we  will  not  concede  to  our  own 
countrymen?  Shall  we,  for  the  sake  of  psace, 
subject  vast  regions  to  principles  of  government 
antagonistic  to  our  own,  an  i  then  destroy  our 
Union  by  refusing  a  compromise  which  would 
give  to  the  South  the  occupation  of  a  less  valu 
able  territory  in  consideration  of  their  giving 
up  what  they  believe  to  bo  their  constitutional 
right  to  occupy  the  whole?  la  there  any  rea 
son  why  we  should  be  less  conciliatory  now 
than  we  have  been  heretofore  and  are  there 
not  obvious  ones  why  we  should  be  more  so,  in 
view  of  our  relative  power?  Did  the  men  who 
now  raise  the  cry  of  no  compromise  and  no 
concession,  hold  that  language  when  we  had 
a  controversy  with  the  crown  of  Great  Britain? 

Let  ns  look  at  the  objections  which' are  urged 
to  this  policy  It  is  said  this  question  uas  de 
cided  at  the  late  election.  Questions  of  consti 
tutional  law  are  not  to  be  decided  by  elections; 
if  they  were,  our  Constitution  would  be  worth 
less,  and  all  its  guarantees  of  the  rights  of 
States  and  of  individuals,  of  rights  of  conscience 
and  religious  liberty,  might  be  annihilated  — 
Neither  is  it  true  th*t  the  late  canvass  shows 
that  the  popu'ar  will  is  opposed  to  compromise. 
Mr.  L'ncolu  was  made  President  by  a  consiitu 
tionai  vote,  and  is  entit'ed  to  our  loyal  and 
cheerful  support,  acd  he  shall  have  it  ;  but  this 
is  not  the  only  result  of  the  late  congest. 

If  ',  wo  millions  of  voters  declared  themselves 
in  fivor  of  the  principles  put  forth  by  his  par 
ty,  -three  millions  declared  tbenose'ves  opposed 
to  them ;  i*'  the  Republicans  triumphed  in  the 
choice  of  the  Executive,  we  triumphed  in  gain 
ing  Congress,  which  tntkes  the  laws  be  is  bound 
to  carry  out,  without  rn*Ard  to  his  own  views. 
If  all  parties  'will  yi"!<i  to  the  results  of  the 
Inst  election,  aod  'he  President  elect  will  cle- 
c  a<e  that,  he  will  be  governed  by  the  will  Of  the 
people  and  not  by  the  will  of  a  patty,  and  that 
he  will  not  exert  the  inilaeaca  of  his  place  to 
<i  A;at  measures  of  compromise  peace  will  bn 
lea'ored  to  oir-  land.  I  hold  that  those  who 
p  int  to  the  Chicago  platform  and  not  to  the 
Constitution  as  the  guide  'of  his  conduct,  do 
him  a  basa  wrong  I  know  that  there  are  some 
!ha: .  t/t-.at  him  us  a  man  with  manacles  upon 
his  hands*;  who  boast  that  they  hold  in  the  Chi - 
c.-sgo  pltftftfrna  a  chattel  nao'rtgage  upon  his  con- 
eii  and  his  opinion.  All  honest  rnet»  de 
i,  it'  lie  oli"w-*  thf.'  dcclarati'Mia  put  fo<  t'a 
••oatest,  to  C'.juirol  his 
n't',  hji  v,'i; 

ui  hi 3 


hfgh  office.  I  repel,  for  one,  the  imputations 
thus  made  against  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  the  claims 
thus  impudently  put  forth  to  personal  and  pe 
culiar  liens  on  his  views  as  most  injurioue  to 
his  honor  and  his  influence.  Before  the  elec 
tion,  it  WAS  said  by  his  friends  he  was  the  man 
best  fitted  to  ad  jus;  the  jarring  conflicts  of  the 
d*y .  Let  bin  tften  continue  to  h/>ld  the  nation 
al  and  dispusionnte  position  which  was  then 
claimed  for  him.  We  invoke  the  Republicans 
not  to  charge  that  he  will  be  a  tiaitor  to  his 
country  by  making  a  partisan  creed,  and  not 
the  solemn  oath  of  his  office,  the  guide  of  bis 
conduct. 

It  is  also  said  that  the  honor  and  dignity  of 
our  government  will  not  permit  measures  of 
compromise  at  this  moment.  When  the  pres 
ent  difficulty  was  only  threatened,  we  were  told, 
in  answer  to  our  appeals  for  aa  adjustment, 
that  there  was  no  cause  for  alarm;  that  the 
South  could  not  bo  driven  out  of  the  Union; 
the  time  had  not  come  for  compromises;  now* 
that  six  States  have  withdrawn,  we  are  told  it 
is  too  late,  that  the  dignity  of  the  government 
will  not  permit  it  to  make  concessions  The 
error  consists  in  confounding  the  action  of  a  few 
States  with  the  position  of  the  whole  South. — 
We  admit  that  you  cannot  offer  Constitutional 
compromises  to  States  that  declare  themselves 
outside  of  the  pale  of  the  Constitution.  Bat  is 
the  attitude  of  South  Carolina  to  be  urged 
against  the  appeals  of  patriotic  men  in  Virgin 
ia?  Are  we  to  drive  the  Border  States  Into 
concert  of  action  with  those  who  defy  tho 
power  of  your  government?  Are  we  to  give 
an  impulse  to  revolution  by  indifference  to  the 
appeals  of  patriotic  men  and  by  insulting 
threats  of  coercion ,  and'  by  irritating  displays 
of  power?  Which  causa  was  helped  at  the 
South  by  the  tender  of  arms  by  our  own  State, 
—that  of  Union  or  that  of  Secession?  All 
know  that  the  future  fate  of  our  country  de 
pends  upon  the  action  of  the  Border  States, 
and  while  the  beam  trembles,  New  York  throws 
its  gword  into  the  scale  and  inclines  it  in  favor 
of  revolution.  This  called  from  the  conserva 
tive  Governor  of  Virginia,  the  declaration  that 
"  nothing  that  has  occurred  in  the  progress  of 
this  controversy  has  been  wor§e  timed  and  less 
excusable  If  New  York  desires  to  preserve 
the  Union  a  tender  of  men  and  money,  under 
the  promptings  of  passion,  prejudice  and  ex 
citement,  will  not  produce  this  result." 

We  do  not  ask  concessions  for  men  in  open 
resistence  to  government,  but  to  those  who  ar> 
struggling  for  tho  preservation  of  our  Unior 
Shall  we  have  no  sympathy  for  those  npo 
whom  the  whole  weight  of  this  contest  fall? 
Can  we  listen,  unmoved,  to  the  entreaties  < 
the  Governor  of  Maryland,  of  the  Senator  • 
Kentucky,  or  refuse  to  second  the  patriot, 
efforts  of  Virginia?  Can  we  so  entirely  for/; 
the  past  history  of  our  country,  that  wa  ci 
stand  upon  the  poi-U,  of  pride  agalo«t  Stal* 
whosa  cti.uans  battled  witL  our  fathers  &r- 
poured  ou;  with  them  fch?ir  blood  upon  tko  it- 
•  if  our  Stale,  aruid  tho  Highlands  of  the  ILw 
;;'iui  on  the  finlcb  of  Saratoga?  I  ask  \'i 
cHi  men  within  the  sound.'  of  my  voice,  to  wb 


6 


quarter  did  you  look  for  sympathy  during  tbo  > 
last  war  with  Great  Britain,  w^en  New  Yorr./ 
was  assailed  upon  the  snui^  J-  •,.  '&  aad  Cm- 
tario,  and  when  the  disciplined  troops,  who  had 
success!  ally  fought  against  Napoleon  in  the 
Peoinsuia,  invaded  us  with  co-operating  fleets 
by  tha  channel  of  Lake  Champlain?  Was  it 
not  to  the  States  of  the  South?  Is  it  well  that 
States  whion  then  refused  to  allow  their  militia 
to  pass  tneir  own  borders  to  combat  a  common 
enemy,  should  be  so  prompt  to  tender  them 
now  to  brftle  egamst  our  own  countrymen? 

But  ic  is  urged,  as  a  further  objection,  that 
at  the  instance  of  the  South,  we  once  compro 
mised  thih  territorial  question,  and  that  it  has 
been  untrue  to  the  adjustment,  although  it  was 
made  at  its  own  request,  and  against  the  wish 
es  of  the  North.  This  inisstatement  has  been 
moat  injurious  in  its  influence  upon  the  public 
mind.  The  Governor  of  New  Yoik,  in  his  late 
message,  says,  this  State  strenuously  opposed 
the  eatabiisfiuient  of  the  compromise  line  of 
1820.  In  this  he  is  mistaken;  it  was  voted  for 
by  every  Northern  Senator,  and  the  only  op 
position  to  this  line  came  from  the  South.  The 
N«w  York  Senators  voted  against  the  admis-  ! 
won  of  Missouri,  even  after  the  passage  of  the 
act  establishing  the  line  at  30  degrees  30 
minuios  Tho  establishment  of  this  line  was  a 
Northern  measure  —  every  Northern  man  vot 
ing  for  it  —  the  whole  opposition  to  it  is  coming 
from  the  Suuth.  It  is  true  that  after  the 
amendment  was  engrafted  on  the  bill,  many 
Northern  men  voted  against  the  act,  but  that 
was  opposition  to  the  admission  of  Missouri,  and 
not  to  the  line.  The  South  was  compelled  to 
accede  to  it  to  secure  the  admission  of  Mis 
souri}  but  it  always  held  it  to  be  an  infringe 
ment  upon  its  rights.  Even  when  this  con 
cession  was  made  to  the  North,  the  Senators 
from  this  and  other  Northern  States,  whose 
votes  engrafted  iu  the  bill  what  is  called  the 
compromise  iiue,  voted  against  the  act.  The 
South  did  not  even  gain  by  this  concession  the 
votes  of  Northern  Senators,  except  two,  one 
from  Now  Hampshire  and  one  from  Rhode 
Island.  Mr.  Lincoln  admits  that  this  opposi 
tion  to  the  admision  of  Missouri  was  unjustifia 
ble,  and  that  be  was  in  favor  of  letting  new 
States  come  into  this  Confederacy,  with  or 
without  Slavery,  as  they  might  elect.  In  of 
fering  to  take  this  line,  which  gives  to  the 
North  the  largest  share  of  the  most  valuable 
portion  of  our  territories,  io  feels  that  it  is 
meeting  us  more  thin  half  way  in  its  efforts  for 


BUD  it  is  said  that  a  compromise  of  this  con 
troversy  will  be  a  sacrifice  of  principle  to  which 
honest  men  cannot  assent.  Then  the  Constitu 
tion  itseu  cannot  be  supported  by  honust  men, 
for  it  is  based  upon  aud  made  up  of  compro 
mises.  It  is  not  proposed  to  make  a  new  Con- 
stiiutiou,  or  to  alter  the  terms  of  the  exisiing 
one,  all  parties  at  the  North  and  South  alike 
claim  that  th«'y  oaly  demand  their  present 
rights  undor  that  -nUrument;  but  owing  to 
causes  t<>  wnieh  J  h-w:  referred,  an  antagonism 
springs  up  la  regard  to  iis  construction,  and  tbis 
must  be  settled  by  ;orce  or  by  adjustment.  Let 


rs  take  care  that  we  do  not  mistake  passion 
and  prejudice  and  partizan  purposes  for  princi 
ple.  Tne  cry  of  no  comprom.se  is  false  in 
morals,  it  is  treason  to  the  spirit  of  the  Consti 
tution;  it  is  infidelity  in  religion,  the  cross  itself 
is  a  compromise  and  is  pleaded  by  many  who 
refuse  all  cbarity  to  their  fellow  citizens.  It  is 
the  vital  principle  of  social  existence,  it  unites 
the  family  circle;  it  sustains  the  church,  and 
upholds  nationalises. 

But  the  Republicans  complain  that  having 
won  a  victory,  we  ask  them  to  surrender  its 
fruits.  We  do  not  wish  them  to  give  up  any 
political  advantage.  We  urge  measures  which 
are  demanded  by  the  honor  and  the  safety  of 
our  Union.  Can  it  be  that  they  are  less  con 
cerned  than  we  are?  Will  they  admit  that 
they  have  interests  antagonistic  to  those  of  the 
whole  commonwealth?  Are  they  making  sac 
rifices,  when  they  do  that  which  is  required  by 
the  common  welfare? 

The  objects  of  this  Convention  are,  to  assure 
the  conservative  men  of  the  South  that  they 
have  at  least  the  sympathy  of  312  000  electors 
of  New  York  in  the"  contest  in  which  they  are 
engaged,  and  to  keep  the  Border  States  in  the 
Union,  and  thus  ultimately  restore  its  integrity. 
But  we  have  another  purpose.  This  is  not  the 
time  for  the  exhibition  of  party  spirit.  Wo 
propose  to  bury  party  differences  ;  we  seek  to 
restore  the  moral  power  of  New  York,  so  that 
it  may  now,  as  in  times  past,  ba  the  theatre 
upon  which  the  cause  of  our  country  shall 
triumph.  To  do  this  we  must  have  unity  of 
action — all  must  agree  to  submit  to  some  tribu 
nal.  The  present  difficulties  have  sprung  into 
existence  since  the  last  popular  election  ;  they 
have  taken  this  whole  community  by  surprise, 
and  conflicting  views  are  held  with  regard  to 
the  proper  line  of  action.  To  secure  this  union 
of  purpose,  for  one,  I  am  in  favor  of  making 
an  appeal  to  the  Republicans  and  to  the  Legis 
lature  of  this  State,  to  submit  the  proposition 
of  Senator  Crittenden  to  the  vote  of  the  people 
of  New  York  ;  if  it  is  approved,  then  we  will 
exert  ourselves  to  secure  an  adjustment  upon 
that  basis  ;  if,  upon  the  other  hand,  it  is  re 
jected,  then  we  shall  know  that  the  people  of 
this  State  are  opposed  to  the  policy  of  com 
promise  and  conciliation.  I  do  not  fear  the  re 
sult.  But  if  it  is,  unhappily,  true  that  the  ultra 
Republicans  represent  the  people  of  the  State, 
then  are  the  davs  of  the  Republic  numbered. — 
Then  the  future  is  dark  and  uncertain. 

We  may  have  not  only  one  but  many  Con 
federacies.  Before  we  are  involved  in  the  evils 
and  horrors  of  domestic  war,  l«t  those  upon 
whom  it  will  bring  ba^ruptcy  and  ruin,  and 
into  whose  homes  it  may  carry  desolation  and 
death,  be  allowed  to  speak  in  favor  of  the  policy 
of  peace  If  the  Legislature  do  not,  it  will  be 
because  they  dare  no&  let  the  popular  senti 
ment  be  uttered.  If  the  public  voice  is  heard, 
all  will  yield  to  its  decisions  and  we  shall  be 
united  ia  action.  In  thedownfal1  of  our  nation 
aud  amidst  its  crumbling  ruins  we  will  cliog  to 
the  fortunes  of  New  York.  We  will  stand  to 
gether  and  so  shape  the  future  that  its  glory, 
and  greatness,  and  wo&derful  advantages  shall 


not  be  sacrificed  to  rival  ia'erests.  "We  will 
loyally  follow  its  fhg  through  the  g'oom  and 
perils  of  the  future ,  and  io  the  saddest  hour 
ther^  will  remain  a  gleaai  of  hope,  aai  we  can 
still  hail  with  pride  the  motto  emblazoned  on 
its  shield,  EXCELSIOR! 


SPEECH  OF 

Hon.  Horatio   Seymour, 

BEFORE  THE    DEMOCRATIC  STATE 
CONVENTION,,  AT  ALBANY, 

September  1O,  1862, 

ON    RECEIVING    THE     NOMINATION 
FOR  GOVERNOR. 


Mr.  President,  having  uniformly  and  deci 
dedly  expressed  my  unwillingness  to  hold  any 
official  position  at  this  time,  I  did  not  expect 
my  name  would  be  brought  before  this  Conven 
tion.  The  nomination  you  have  made  subjects 
me  to. great  inconvenience,  whatever  may  be 
the  result  of  this  election.  I  came  to  this  Con 
vention  expecting  to  aid  in  placing  at  the  head 
of  the  ticket  the  name  of  one  whom  I  feel  to  bo 
more  fit  than  myself  for  that  honorable  posi 
tion.  But.  sir,  whatever  may  be  the  injury  to 
myself,  I  cannot  refuse  a  nomination  made  in  a 
manner  that  touches  my  heart  and  fills  me  with 
a  still  stronger  sense  of  my  obligations  to  this 
great  and  patriotic  party.  In  addition  to  my 
debt  of  gratitude  to  partial  friends,  I  am  im 
pelled  by  the  condition  of  our  country,  to  sacri- 
flee  my  personal  wishes  and  interests  to  its  good 

Two  years  have  not  passed  away  since  a  Don* 
vention,  remarkable  for  its  numbers,  patriotism 
and  intelligence,  assembled  at  this  place  to 
avert  if  possible  the  calamities  which  alii  ct  our 
people.  In  respectful  terms,  it  implored  the 
leaders  of  the  political  party  which  had  tri 
umphed  at  a  recent  e'ection  to  submit  to  the 
people  of  this  country  some  measure  of  concilia 
tion  which  would  save  them  from  civil  war. 
It  asked  that  before  we  should  be  involved  in 
the  evils  and  horrors  of  domestic  bloodshed, 
thoge  upon  whom  it  would  bring  bankruptcy 
and  ruin,  and  into  whose  homes  it  would  carry 
desolation  and  death,  should  be  allowed  to 
apeak.  That  prayer  for  the  rights  of  our  peo 
ple  was  derided  and  denounced,  and  false  as 
surances  were  given  that  there  was  no  danger. 
The  storm  came  upon  us  with  all  its  fury— and 
the  war  so  constantly  and  clearly  foretold, 
desolated  our  land.  It  is  said  no  compromises 
would  have  satisfied  the  South.  If  we  had 
tried  them  it  would  not  now  be  a  matter  of 
discordant  opinion.  If  these  offers  had  not 
satisfied  the  South,  they  would  have  gratified 
loyal  men  at  the  North,  and  would  have  united 
ua  more  perfectly. 

Animated  by  devotion  to  our  Constitution  and 
Union  our  people  rallied  to  the  support  of  Gov 
ernment,  and  one  year  since  shewed  an  armed 


strength  that  astonished  the  world.  "We  again 
appealed  to  those  who  wielded  this  mighty 
material  power,  to  use  it  for  the  restoration  of 
the  Union  and  to  uphold  the  Constitution,  and 
were  told  that  he  who  clamored  for  his  Consti 
tutional  rights  was  a  traitor! 

Congress  assembled,  laexperienced  in  the 
conduct  of  public  affairs,  drunk  with  power,  it 
began  its  course  of  agitation,  outrage  and  wrong. 
The  def  at  of  our  arms  at  Manassas.  for  a  time 
filled  it  with  terror.  Under  this  influence  it 
adopted  the  resolution  of  Mr.  Crittenden,  de 
claring, 

"Thai  the  present  deplorable  Civil  War  has  been  forc- 
"ed  upon  the  C'turrry  by  the  UiisunioiiUts  oftue  Southern 
"Stales,  now  in  arms  against  tlie  Constitutional  Govern- 
"menl,  ami  in  aim*  aiouud  Hie  Capital;  Tnat  in  tins  Na- 
"iion<il  emergency  Congress  banishing  all  feelings  of 
"mere  pa«8fon  or  resentment,  will  recollect  only  its  duty 
"to  tlie  whole  Countrv;  That  this  war  is  not  waged,  on 
"their  part,  in  any  spirit  of  oppression  or  for  any  purpose 
'•of  conquest  or  subjugation,  or  purpose  of  overthrowing 
'•or  interfering  wi  h  the  rights  or  established  institutions 
"of  those  Stales,  but  to  defend  and  maintain  the  su[irema- 
"cy  of  the  Con-ti  ution  and  to  preserve  the  Union,  with. 
"all  ihe  dignity,  equality  and  rights  of  the  several  States 
"unimpaired,  and  that  as  soon  as  these  object*  are  accom- 
"pl  shed  the  war  ought  to  cease. 

Again  the  people  rallied  around  the  flag  of 
the  Union.  But  no  sooner  were  their  fears  al 
layed  than  they  began  anew  the  factious  in 
trigues — the  violent  discussions  and  the  uncon 
stitutional  legislation  which  ever  brings  defeat 
and  disgrace  upon  Nations.  In  vain  were  they 
warned  of  the  consequences  of  their  follies.  In 
vain  did  the  President  implore  forbearance  and 
moderation.  Jso  act  was  omitted  which  would 
give  energy  to  the  Secessionists,  or  wh^ch  would 
humiliate  and  mortify  the  loyal  men  of  the 
South.  Every  topic  calculated  to  divide 
and  distract  the  North  was  dragged  into  em 
bittered  debates.  Proclamations  of  emancipa 
tion  were  urged  upon  the  President,  which  could 
only  confiscate  the  property  cf  loyal  citizens  at 
the  South;  for  none  others  could  be  reached  by 
the  power  of  the  government.  The  confiscation 
act  had  already  forfeited  the  legal  rights  of  all 
who  were  engaged  in  or  who  aided  and  upheld 
the  rebellion.  These  were  excited  to  desperate 
energy  by  laws  which  made  their  lives,  their 
fortunes,  the  safety  of  their  families  and  homes 
depend  upon  the  tuccess  of  their  schemes. — 
From  the  Dragon's  teeth,  sown  broadcast  by 
Congress,  have  sprung  the  armies  which  have 
driven  back  our  forces,  and  which  now  beleag- 
urts  the  Capital  of  our  Country.  The  acts  of 
the  National  Legislature  have  given  pleasure  to 
the  Aboliiionists,  victories  to  the  Secessionists. 
But  while  treason  rejoices  and  triumphs,  defeat 
and  disgrace  have  been  brought  upon  the  Flag 
of  our  Country  and  the  defenders  of  our  Consti 
tution.  Everyman  who  visited  Washington  six 
months  ago  could  see  and  feel  we  were  upon 
the  verge  of  disaster.  Discord,  jealousy,  envy 
and  strife  pervaded  its  atmosphere. 

I  went  to  the  camp  of  our  soldiers.  Amid 
the  hardships  of  an  exhausting  campaign — 
amid  sufferings  from  exposure  and  want — amid 
those  languishing  upon  beds  of  sickness,  or 
those  struck  down  by  the  casualties  of  war, 
I  heard  and  saw  only  devotion  to  our  Consti 
tution,  and  love  for  oar  Country's  Flag.  Each 


«ye  brightened  as  it  looked  upon  the  National 
fcjcaudard  with  Its  glorious  emoiazonry  of  Stars 
aud  £>irip  s  From  tnis  scene  of  patriotic  de- 
vouuu  1  wont  into  our  National  Capitol.  1  tra 
versed  its  iHoSiiie  pavements;  I  gajjed  upon  its 
wails  of  polished  uiaroie;  1  saw  upon  its  ceil- 
iugs  all  that  wealth,  lavishly  pou  ed  out,  could 
do  o  make  them  sug  estive  of  our  country's 
gieatu  as  aud  its  wonderful  wealth  of  varied 
productions  Att  had  exhausted  itself  in  paint- 
mgiiud  sculpture  to  make  every  aspect  sugges 
tive  of  high  and  noble  thought  and  purpose. 
Fullof  the  associations  which  cluster  about  this 
vast  Temple  wntcn  should  be  dedicaded  to  pa 
triotism  and  truth;  i  entered  its  Legislative 
Halls;  their  gilded  walls  and  gorgeous  furni 
ture  did  not  contrast  more  strongly  with  the 
rude  scenes  of  martial  lire  than  did  tha  glisten 
ing  putrescence  and  thin  lacquer  of  Congress 
ional  virtue  contrast  with  the  sterling  loyalty 
and  noble  self-s&cridca  of  our  country's  de 
fenders,  i  listened  to  debates  full  of  bitterness 
and  strife. 

I  saw  in  the  camp  a  heartfelt  homage  to  our 
national  flag — a  stern  dedance  of  those  who 
dared  to  touch  its  sacred  fold  with  hostile 
hands.  I  heard  in  the  Capitol  threats  of  mu 
tilation  of  its  emblazonry — by  striking  down 
the  life  of  States.  He  who  would  rend  our 
National  standard  by  dividing  our  Union  is  a 
Tra.tor.  He  who  would  put  out  one  glittering 
star  from  its  azure  field,  is  a  Traitor  too. 

THE  PRESENT  CONDITION  OF  OUR  COUNTRY. 

Let  us  now  confront  the  facts  of  our  condi 
tion,  and  they  shall  be  stated  in  the  language 
of  those  who  brought  this  administration  into 
powor,  and  who  now  are  politically  opposed  to 
the  members  of  this  Convention.  Afier  the  ex 
penditure  of  nearly  one  thousand  millions  of 
dollars,  and  the  sacrifice  of  more  than  one 
hundred  thousand  Northern  lives  in  the  lan 
guage  of  the  Evening  Pott: 

What  has  been  the  result  ?  Our  armies  of  the  We*!, 
ihe  noDle  victors  of  K"rl  Uuiielson  anil  Suiloh,  are  scat- 
t-  red  *o  that  no  man  kno*s  their  whereabout,  while  the 
foe  the  •  were  sent  to  disperse  is  a  hundred  miles  in  Uieir 
reur,  threatening  the  citiei  of  Tennessee  and  Kentucky, 
ai  d  even  advancing  toward  one  of  the  principal  com 
mercial  cities  ol  ihe  Free  Stales.  There  is  no  leader 
ship,  no  amiy  of  com  ~and,  apparently  no  plan  or  con 
cert,  of  action  in  the  enure  region  we  nave  undertaken 
to  holt,  and  defend  Al  the  same  time,  our  army  of  tlie 
Ea«i,  numbering  *25(i,(MH)  thousand  troops,  fuliy  armed 
and  equipped  and  admirably  disciplined,  after  investing 
the  Capital  of  tiie  enemy,  lias  been  driven  back  to  it* 
ong  mil  position  on  ihe  Hoiomac,  decimated  in  numbers 
and  unprepared  to  maice  a  single  vigorous  movement  in 
«id  aiice. 

And  if  adds: — 

Now  it  is  useless  to  shut  our  eyes  to  the  fnct  that  this 
is  a  failure,  disgraceful,  humiliating  and  awful. 

Tho  Evening  Journal,  the  accredited  organ 
of  f,he  Secretary  of  State,  now  admits  the  truths 
ut'ervd  in  this  Hall  when  we  assembled  her©  in 
February,  1851 ;  truths  thon  derided  and  de 
nounced  as  absurd  aud  treasonable.  It  says: 

The  War  lias  been  a  stern  schoolmaster  to  the  People 
of  ihe  Loy»i  Slates.  We  have  learned  the  folly  of  un- 
df-Traiiiig  our  enemies  We  have  learned  that  they  are 
ly  brave,  equally  hardy,  equally  quickwitted, 
equally  end  v<ed  witn  martial  qualities  wnh  ourselves. 
v\  '-,  have  learned  they  are  teiribly  in  earnest  in  their 
efforts  to  achieve  Uieir  ends. 


•*     The  New  York  Tribune  dec1  ares  that 

"Tne  Country   is   in    peril.     Viev.nl    fr  in  ihe  - 
point  of  the  pnlil  c  e-iimaie  of  '  fhe  siiuaiion.' ii  is  111     »• 
tremep-ril.     The   Re  eis   seem   to   t>e  pushing  ii><  \. 
iheir  fo  ces  all   along  the  b  irdrr  hue  from  rue  Alia 
10  the  Missouri      Th>!y  are  threatening  '.lie  Poi-jin  • 
the  Ohio.     They  are  sinking  at  Washington,  Cm--  itn  i  i 
aivl    Louisville.     This  simultaneous   movemen    i*  Win 
alarming   and   encouraging.       It   is    alarming  t>e<-ftu<e, 
:hr -ugh    the  timidity,  despon  'eney,   or  f  >liy  of  the  r-Vii- 
eral  Government,  it  may  liecorrie  temporarily  j,ucfe«»     ; 
giving  to  the  foe  a  lodgment  in  some  portion  of  the  r'ree 
States  which  may  require  weeks  10  break  up  " 

Bat  it  is  admitted  by  those  who  were  oppose!' 
to  us,  that  debt  and  defeat  are  not  the  ht  a- 
calamities  which  weigh  us  down.      A  virti 
people   and    a   pure   government  can    bear    up. 
against    any    amount   of   outward    pressure  or 
physical   calamity,    but    when    lotteuoess    and 
corruption   pervade    the  legislative  nail  or  ex 
ecutive   department  the   heart   of    the  patriot 
faints  and  his   arm  withers.     The  organ  of  the 
Secretary  of  State  admits: 

"There  have  been  mistakes.  There  have  been  specu 
lation.  Weak  men  h  <ve  disgraced,  and  oad  men  have 
betrayed  the  Goveimnent  Conira  tors  have  fa:te>i 
ed  on  fat  jobs.  Adveniur  rs  have  found  the  war  a  source 
of  private  gam.  Alo-al  desporadoes  have  flocked  about 
the  Na'ional  Capnal  and  lain  in  wait  for  prry.  The 
scum  of  the  land  lias  gathered  about  ihe  soun  e*  of  pow 
er  a:id  deli.ed  them  by  its  reek  «nd  oliensive  odor  — 
There  has  bt-en  mi- manage meju  in  the  depart mems  IIH*- 
ni.tii  igement  wherever  great  labor  has  been  pe<  fornie.1 
and  great  >  e«pon*ii>ilmes  devolving  Men— even  Presi 
dents  anil  Cai)inet  officers  and  ' '  •mmfiii'Ji'ig  Ge  e'  ai<  — 
have  erred  because  they  could  not  «ra  p  the  full  pigiuli- 
caiice  of  Hie  drama,  and  because  they  were  compelled  to 
strike  out  on  untrodden  pains." — Eve.  Journal. 

Hear  the  voice  of  a  leading  Republican  ora 
tor  : 

"  I  declare  it  upon  my  respon?ibili*y  as  a  Senator  of 
the  United  8latf  s,"  said  John  P  II a  e,  "  tin.'  the  liberties 
of  th  s  country  are  in  greater  d  n^t-r  >o-day  from  tue  cor 
ruption*  and  from  the^proHigacy  practiced  in  the  va  KIU^ 
departments  of  the  Government  than  they  are  from  the 
open  enemy  in  Ihe  field." 

The  New  York  World  exclaims  in  an  agony 
of  remoree: 

It  is  with  dismay  and  unsneakable  shame  ihat  we,  who 
have  supported  ih«j  administration  frmn  Uie  oesjmiiuj^, 
observe  is  aou-;e  of  us  power  of  arrest.  'There  w  no 
such  tiling  as  either  justifying  or  extenuating  its  <:<  n- 
duct  in  this  p  rucular.  Kvcry  prmeip  e  of  Amei  (run 
jlieriy  eV'-ry  regard  for  me  loyal  c>tiise  every  scnii- 
meiil  of  justice,  every  impulse  of  manhood,  c n-^  mil 
Hgainst  it.  Tue  mnn  who  thinks  at  nil  is  abvilu  ^-,> 
staggered  ih-t  these  things  can  be.  Tney  seein  hue 
>ome  hideous  dream.  One  can  alntosi  fai.jy  iinl 
Mephis  opniies  himself  had  got  access  nau  lac  coancus 
of  the  governmeni,  and  by  so  ne  device.  Irssn  iiomu-e 
pn,  liaU  diverted  iis  ener^  ie*  from  liie  ropre^sioii  ol  ic- 
Uelliou  to  the  suppression  of  iibrrty. 

The  New  York  Times  demon's  a  ch'i "--re  ia 
the  Administration,  and  in  the  cuuUnci  of 
atfairs. 

I  have  thus  carefully  set  forth  t.L*»  f1'1- 
clarations  and  named  the  witnesses  to  this 
awful  indictment,  against  our  rulerM,  f  <r  we 
mean  to  procesid  with  all  the  care  an4  c^r'rtor, 
and  all  the  solemnity  of  a  Ju'iicia!  Tribuoat. 

It  is  with  a  sorrowful  heart.  I  poiut,  to  these 
<lark  pictures,  not  drawn  by  jouiTiala'  of  the 
Democratic  party.  God  knows  that  as  a  mem 
ber  of  that  patriotic  org:iriiz*'icn.  :*s  ca  A*o^ri- 
can  citizen,  I  w^uid  gladly  ell'ice  tJ^em  if  I 
could.  But,  alas;  they  are  ground!  u.;^n 
trntbe  that  cantmfi  be  galri»aid.  Oaoe  more, 


then,  our  Republican  fellow-citizens,  in  this 
day  of  our  common  humiliation  and  disgrace, 
we  implore  you  as  respectfully  as  in  the  hour 
of  your  political  triumph  listen  to  our  sugges 
tions  We  do  not  come  wiih  reproaches,  but 
with  entreaties.  Follow  the  pathways  marked 
out  by  the  Constitution  and  we  shall  be  extri 
cated  from  our  perilous  position.  On  the  other 
hand,  if  you  will  still  be  governed  by  those  who 
brought  us  iuto  oar  present  condition,  you  will 
learn  too  late  that  there  are  yet  deeper  depths 
of  degradation  before  us,  and  greater  miseries 
to  be  borne  than  those  which  now  oppress  us. 
Kay  more,  the  President  of  the  United  States 
appeals  to  us  all,  in  his  communication  with 
the  loyal  men  of  the  Border  States,  when  he 
says  he  is  pressed  to  violate  his  duty,  his  oath 
of  office,  and  the  Constitution  of  the  land — 
pressed  by  cowardly  and  heartless  men,  living 
far  away  from  the  scenes  of  war.  fattening 
upon  the  wealth  coined  Irom  the  blood  and 
misery  of  the  land,  and  living  in  those  locaiitiea 
woere  official  investigations  snow  that  this  peo 
ple  and  Government  ha"e  been  robbed  by  fraud 
ulent  contracts.  Such  men  demand  that  those 
who  have  suffered  most  in  this  contest,  viho 
have  shown  the  highest  and  purest  patriotism 
under  the  terrible  trials  of  divided  families,  of 
desolated  homes,  of  ruined  fortunes  and  of  blood 
stained  fields-,  should  have  a  new  and  further 
evil  inflicted  upon  them  by  the  hands  of  a  Gov 
ernment  they  are  straggling  to  uphold.  By  the 
help  of  God  and  the  people  we  will  relieve  the 
President  from  that  pressure. 

NECESSITY   FOR   PARTY    ORGANIZATIONS. 

An  attempt  is  made  to  close  the  ears  of  our 
Republican  friends  to  our  appeals,  because  we 
act  as  a  political  organization.  Can  we  do  oth 
erwise  ?  Would  not  the  dispersion  of  this  an 
cient  party,  identified  as  it  is  with  the  growth, 
greatness  and  glory  of  our  land,  be  looked  upon 
aa  a  calamity,  even  by  our  opponents?  Did  not 
a  shadow  fall  upon  our  country  when  it  was  torn 
apart  at  Charleston;  and  do  not  men  of  all  par 
ties  point  to  its  disruption  as  one  of  the  causes 
of  this  unnatural  war?  Is  it  not  just  we  should 
have  a  representation  in  the  State  and  National 
government  proportioned  to  our  contributions 
to  our  armies  and  the  trea»ur>  ?  If  we  elect  all 
of  our  ticket  at  this  time,  we  fhall  have  no  more 
than  our  proportional  share  of  oolitical*  power 
It  may  be  said  we  should  meet  without  regard 
to  political  organize  ions,  and  nominate  officers . 
This  destroys  the  object  of  such  organizations. 
They  would  ci^ase.  to  be  protections  against, 
abuses  of  power  or  the  inroads  of  corruption. 
Lot  the  two  great  parties  be  honost  and  honor 
able  euough  to  meet  in  fair  and  opnn  discussion 
with  well  defined  principles  and  policies.  Then 
each  will  serve  our  country  as  \v«H  out  of  power 
as  in  power  The  vigilance  kept  alive  by  party 
contest  guards  against  corruption  or  oppression 
This  watchfulness  is  most  needed  when  unusual 
expenditures  of  money  present  unusual  temp 
tations  to  the  corrupt  and  seUi.sh. 

F-»r  another  reason  we  caaaot  disband  our 
organization.  The  Union  men  of  itn  Border 
and  m>re  Southern  States,  without  distinction 
of  p^rty,  hcploio  us  not  to  do  BO.  They  tell 


as  a  triumph  of  our  party  now  would  be  worth 
more  than  victories  upon  the  battle  tieid  It 
would  re  assure  their  frieuds.  it  would  weaken 
their  opponents.  Every  advantage  ga;aod  over 
abolitionism  puts  down  the  rebellion.  While 
they  and  we  know  there  are  manv  just  and  pa 
triotic  men  in  the  Republican  party,  ir,  is  still 
true  that  its  success  gives  power  and  influence 
to  the  violent  and  fanatical,  and  that  their  par 
ty  action  always  goes  beyond  their  party  plat 
form. 

Every  fair  man  admits  there  is  no  way  of 
correcting  abuses  but  by  a  change  of  political 
leaders.  The  Republ-caa  party  demanded  this 
when  they  charged  abases  upon  Democratic 
administration.  They  should  concede  the 
principle  now. 

Experience  shows  that  frauds  practiced  by 
political  frieuds  are  not  punished  by  men  in 
power.  It  is  conceded  that  gross  frauds  have 
been  committed  in  different  departments  of  gov 
ernment;  that  they  have  brought  distress  upon 
our  soldiers,  defeat  upon  our  arms  and  disgrace 
upon  our  people.  But  not  one  man  has  been  pun 
ished,  or  made  to  feel  the  power  of  ihat,  preroga 
tive  which  is  claimed  to  be  an  incident  of  war. 
Corruption  that  has  done  mora  to  destroy  the 
National  power  than  armed  rebellion,  has  gone 
unscathed.  The  Sentinel  who  slept  upon 
h:s  post,  has  been  sentenced  to  death — the 
official  who  closed  his  eyes  to  frauds,  which 
destroyed  armies,  is  quietly  removed,  by  and 
with  the  advice  of  the  St  n  te  and  represents 
the  Nation's  character  at  the  Capital  of  a  friend 
ly  power!  Citizens  in  loyal  States  who  became 
the  objects  of  suspicion  or  of  malignant  as 
saults,  have  been  seized  at  their  homes,  drag 
ged  to  distant  prisons  without  trial  and  with 
out  redress,  while  each  convicted  plunderer 
walks  freely  and  boldly  among  the  people  he 
has  robbed  and  wronged  Maladmimstratioa 
demands  change  of  administration. 

At  this  time  issues  should  ba  fairly  and  bold 
ly  made.  It  i.s  no1  dishonor  to  be  mistaken, 
bur  is  disgraceful  not  to  be  outspoken.  Let 
this  war  at  least  settle  questions  of  principle. 
A  few  months  will  decide  who  is  right  and  who 
is  wrong  now,  as  the  past  two  years  have  shown 
who  were  right  and  who  were  wroug  heretofore. 
We  are  in  favor  of  the  rights  of  the  Slate,  aa 
well  as  of  the  General  Government ;  we  are  in 
favor  of  local  self-government,  as  well  asot  the 
National  jurisdiction  within  its  proper  sphere. 

While  we  thus  meet  as  a  political  organiza 
tion  it  is  not  for  partisan  purposes.  We  caa 
beat  serve  our  country  in  this  relationship. 
The  President  of  the  United  States  will  bear 
witness  that  he  has  not  been  pressed  or  em 
barrassed  by  us.  We  have  loyally  responded  to 
every  call  made  on  us  by  constituted  authority. 
We  have  obeyed  all  orders  to  reinforce  our 
armies.  When  we  were  in  power  we  denounced 
the  higher  lawdoct-rine — the  principle  that  men 
might  set  up  their  wills  against  the  statutes  of 
the  land — as  treasonable.  We  denounced  it 
when  uttered  by  Northern  men;  we  are  com 
batting  it  now  when  it  is  asserted  by  the  rebel 
lious  South.  We  repudiate  it  by  submitting  to 
demand  of  our  Government  made  wit-hia- 


10 


the  limits  of  rightful  jurisdiction.  Thi*'  obedi 
ence  has  not  been  constrained, but  cheerfully  ren 
dered,  even  in  support  of  a  party  and  policy  to 
which  we  are  opposed.  We  have  struggled  to 
sustain  not  only  the  letter  but  the  spirit  of  our 
laws.  We  feel  that  we  have  set  an  example  of 
loyalty  that  will  not  be  lost  upon  upon  those 
opposed  to  us.  Having  done  our  duiy,  we 
DOW  demand  our  rights,  and  we  shall  at  this 
time  set  in  calm  and  fearless  judgment  upon 
the  conduct  of  our  rulers.  Ours  shall  not  be 
the  language  of  discord  and  violence.  We  de 
plore  the  passionate  and  vindictive  assaults  of 
leading  Republican  journals  upon  those  hold 
ing  civil  or  military  stations.  Above  all  we 
protest  in  behalf  of  our  country's  honor  and 
dignity,  against  their  insubordinate  and  disre 
spectful  language  towards  the  President  of 
these  United  States.  Such  language  wrecks 
the  authority  of  Government  and  tends  to 
anarchy  and  public. disorder. 

For  another  reason,  we  cannot  disband  our 
organization,  No  other  party  can  save  this 
country.  It  alone  has  clearly  defined  purposes 
and  well  settled  principles.  It  has  been  well  said 
in  our  Congressional  Address,  that  under  its 
guidance, 

From  five  millions,  the  population  increased  to  thirty 
millions.  Tlie  Revolut  onary  debt  was  extinguished. — 
Two  foreign  wars  were  successfully  prosecuted,  with  a 
moderate  outlay  a>id  smail  army  and  navy,  and  without 
the  suspension  of  the  habeas  corpu«;  without  one  infrac 
tion  of  the  Constitution;  Without  one  usurpation  of  powe*-; 
without  suppressing  a  single  newspaper;  without  impris- 
onin  •  a  sins' le  editor;  wiliioul  limit  to  the  freedom  01  the 
press;  o-  of  speech  in  or  out  of  Congress,  but  in  the  midst 
of  the  grossest  auuse  of  both  ;  and  without  the  arrest  of 
a  single  •'  traitor,"  though  the  Hartford  Convention  sat 
oui ing  one  of  Hie  wars,  t^nd  in  the  other  Senators  invited 
the  fciiwiny  to  u  Greet  our  Volunteers  with  bloody  hands 
and  welcome  them  to  Hospitable  Graves"! 

During  ail  thu  tin;e  wealth  increased,  business  of  all 
kinds  multiplied,  prosperity  smiled  on  every  side,  taxes 
were  low,  wages  were  high,  the  North  and  the  South 
furnished  a  market  for  each  other's  prouucls  at  good 
prices,  publ.c  liberty  was  secure,  private  rights  undis 
turbed;  every  man's  house  was  his  castle;  the  Courts 
were  open  to  all ;  no  passports  for  travel,  no  secret  po 
lice,  no  sp  es,  no  informers,  no  bastiles;  the  right  to  as 
semble  peaceably,  the  right  to  petition;  freedom  of  reli 
gion,  freedom  of  speech,  a  fret  ballot,  and  a  free  press; 
and  all  this  time  ihe  Constitution  maintained  and  the 
Union  of  the  States  preserved. 

•WHY  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  CANNOT  SAVE  THE 
COUNTRY. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  vary  character  of  the 
Republican  organizations,  makes  it  incapable  of 
conducting  the  affairs  of  the  Government.  For 
a  series  of  years,  it  has  practiced  a  system  of 
coalitions,  with  men  differing  in  principle,  until 
it  can  have  no  distinctive  policy.  In  such 
chaotic  masses,  the  violent  have  most  control. 
They  have  been  educating  their  followers  for 
years,  through  the  press,  not  to  obey  laws 
which  did  not  accord  with  their  views.  How  can 
they  demand  submission  from  whole  communi 
ties,  while  they  contend  that  individuals  may  op 
pose  laws  opposed  to  their  consciences?  They 
are  higher  law  men.  They  insist  that  the  contest., 
in  which  we  are  engaged,  is  an  irrepressible  one 
and  that  therefore  the  South  could  not  avoid  it, 
unless  they  were  willing  at  the  outset  to  sur 
render  all  that  abolitionists  demanded.  To 
declare  .that  this  contest  is  irrepressible,  de- 


clares  that  our  Fathers  formed  a  government, 
J  which  could  not  stand.  Are  such  men,  the 
proper  guardians  of  this  government  ?  Have 
not  their  speeches  and  acts  given  strengtn  to 
the  rebellion,  and  have  they  not  also  enabled 
its  leaders  to  prove  to  their  deluded  followers, 
that  the  contest  was  an  irrepressible  one  ? 

But  their  leaders  have  not  only  asserted  that 
this  contest  was  irrepressible,  unless  the  South 
would  give  up  what  extreme  Republican  de 
mand,  (their  local  institutions,)  but  those  in 
power  have  done  much  to  justify  this  rebellion 
in  the  eyes  of  the  world.  The  guilt  of  rebellion 
is  determined  by  the  character  of  the  govern 
ment  against  which  it  is  arrayed.  The  right  of 
revolution,  in  the  language  of  President  Lin 
coln,  is  a  sacred  right  when  exerted  against  a 
bad  government. 

We  charge  that  this  rebellion  is  most  wicked 
because  it  is  against  the  best  Government  that 
ever  existed.  It  is  the  excellence  of  our  Gov 
ernment  that  makes  resistance  a  crime.  Re 
bellion  is  not  necessarily  wrong.  It  may  be  an 
act  of  the  highest  virtue — it  may  be  one  of  the 
deepest  depravity.  The  rebellion  of  our  Fa 
thers  is  our  proudest  boast — the  rebellion  of 
our  Er&thers  is  the  humiliation  of  our  Nation  is 
our  National  disgrace.  To  resist  a  bad  Gov 
ernment  is  patriotism — to  resist  a  good  one  is 
the  greatest  guilt.  The  first  is  patriotism,  the 
last  is  treason.  Legal  tribunals  can  only  regard 
resistance  of  laws,  as  a  crime  but  in  the  forum 
of  public  sentiment  the  character  of  the  Gov 
ernment  will  decide  if  the  act  is  treason  or 
patriotism. 

Our  Government  and  its  administration  are 
different  things;  but  in  the  eyes  of  the  civilized 
world,  abuses,  weakness  or  folly  in  the  con 
duct  of  affairs  go  far  to  justify  resistance. — 
I  have  read  to  you  the  testimony  of  Messrs. 
Greely,  Weed,  Bryant,  Raymond  and  Marble, 
charging  fraud,  corruption,  outrage  and  in- 
competency  upon  those  in  power.  Those  who 
stand  up  to  testify  to  the  incompetency  of  these 
representatives  of  a  disoordant  party  to  conduct 
the  affairs  of  our  Government  are  politically 
opposed  to  us.  Bear  in  mind  that  the  embarrass 
ments  of  President  Lincoln  grows  out  of  the  con 
flicting  views  of  his  political  friends,  and  their 
iiabits  and  principles  of  insubordination.  His 
hands  would  be  strengthened  by  a  Democratic 
victory,  and  if  his  private  prayers  are  answered 
we  will  relieve  him  from  the  pressure  of  phi- 
antrophists  who  thirst  for  blood,  and  who  call 
for  the  extermination  of  the  men,  women  and 
children  of  the  South.  The  brutal  a.nd  bloody 
language  of  partisan  editors  and  political 
preachers  have  lost  us  the  sympathy  of  the 
civilized  world  in  a  contest  where  all  mankind 
should  be  upon  one  side. 

Turning  to  the  Legislative  Departments  of 
our  government,  what  do  we  see?  In  the  his 
tory  of  the  decline  and  fall  of  Nations,  there  are 
no  more  striking  displays  of  madness  and  folly. 
The  assemblage  of  Congress  throws  gloom  over 
the  Na  ion;  its  continuance  in  session  is  more 
disastrous  than  defeat  upon  the  battle  field.  It 
excites  alike  alarm  and  disgust. 

The  public  are  disappointed  in  the  results  of 


11 


the  war.  This  is  owing  to  the  differing  objects 
of  the  people  on  the  one  band,  and  of  the  faoat- 
ical  agitators  io  and  oat  of  Coogress  on  the  ether. 
In  the  army,  the  Union  men  of  the  North  and 
South  battle  side  by  side,  under  one  flag,  to  put 
down  rebellion  and  uphold  the  Union  and  Con 
stitution,  lu  Congress  a  fanatical  majority  make 
war  on  the  Union  men  of  the  Souih  and  strength 
en  the  hands  of  Secessionists  by  words  and  acts 
winch  enable  them  to  keep  alive  the  flames  of 
civil  war.  What  is  done  on  the  battle  field  by 
the  blood  and  treasure  of  the  people,  is  undone 
by  Senators.  Half  of  the  time  is  spent  in  fac 
tious  measures  designed  to  destroy  all  confi 
dence  in  the  government  at  the  South,  and  the 
rest  in  annoyiug  our  army,  in  meddling  with  its 
operations,  embarrassing  our  generals  and  in 
publishing  undigested  and  unfounded  scandal. 
One  party  is  seeking  to  bring  about  peace,  the 
other  to  keep  alive  hatred  and  bitterness  by  in 
terferences.  They  prove  the  wisdom  of  Solo 
mon,  when  he  said:  "  It  is  an  honor  to  a  man 
to  cease  from  strife,  but  every  fool  will  be  med 
dling  » 

This  war  cannot  be  brought  to  a  successful 
conc4usion  or  onr  country  restored  to  an  honor 
able  peace  under  the  Republican  leaders  for 
another  reason.  Our  disasters  are  mainly  due 
to  the  fact  that  they  have  not  dared  to  tell  the 
truth  to  the  community.  A  system  of  misre 
presentation  had  been  practiced  so  long  and  so 
euccessfully  that  when  the  war  burst  upon  us 
they  feared  to  let  the  people  know  its  full  pro 
portions,  and  they  persisted  in  assuring  their 
friends  it  was  but  a  passing  excitement.  They 
still  asserted  that  the  South  was  unable  to 
maintain  and  carry  on  a  war.  They  denounced 
as  a  traitor  every  man  who  tried  to  tell  the 
truth  and  to  warn  our  people  of  the  magnitude 
of  the  contest. 

Now,  my  Republican  friends,  you  kaow  that 
the  misapprehensions  of  the  North  with  regard 
to  the  South  has  drenched  the  land  with  blood. 
Was  this  ignorance  accidental*  I  appeal  to 
you  Republicans,  if  for  years  past,  through  the 
press  and  in  publications  which  have  been  urged 
upon  your  attention  by  the  leaders  of  your  par 
ty,  you  have  not  been  taught  to  despise  the 
power  and  resources  of  the  South?  I  appeal 
to  you  to  say  if  this  teaching  has  not  been  a 
part  of  the  machinery  by  which  power  has  been 
gained?  I  appeal  to  you  to  answer  if  those 
who  tried  to  teach  truths  now  admittted  have 
not  been  denounced?  I  appeal  to  you  if  a 
book,  boyond  all  others,  false,  bloody 
aad  treasonable,  was  not  sent  out  with 
the  endorsement  of  all  your  managers;  and  is 
it  not  true  that  now,  when  men  blush  to  own 
they  believed  its  statements ,  that  its 
author  is  honored  by  an  official  station?  It  is 
now  freely  confessed  by  you  all,  that  you  have 
been  deceived  with  respect  to  the  South  Who 
deceived  you?  Who,  by  false  teachings,  in 
stilled  contempt  and  hate  into  the  minds  of  our 
people?  Who  stained  our  land  with  blood? 
Who  caused  ruin  and  distress?  All  these 
things  are  within  your  own  knowledge. — 
Are  their  authors  the  leaders  to  rescue  us  from 
our  calamities?  They  shrink  back  appalled  from 


the  mischief  they  have  wrought,  and  tell  you 
it  is  an  irrepressible  contest.  That  reason  is  as 
good  for  Jfetferson  Davis  as  for  them.  They 
attempt  to  drown  reflections  by  new  excite 
ments  and  new  appeals  to  our  passions.  Hav 
ing  already,  in  legislation,  gone  far  beyond  the 
limits  at  which,  by  their  resolutions,  they  were 
pledged  to  stop,  they  now  ask  to  adopt  mea 
sures  which  they  have  heretofore  denounced  as 
unjust  and  unconstitutional.  For  this  leason 
they  cannot  save  our  country. 

As  our  national  calamities  thicken  upon  us 
an  attempt  is  made  by  their  authors  to  avoid 
their  responsibilities  by  insisting  that  our 
failures  are  due  to  the  fact  that  their  measures 
are  not  carried  out,  although  Government  has 
already  gone  far  beyond  its  pledges.  The  de- 
rnauds  of  these  man  will  never  cease,  simply 
because  they  hope  to  save  themselves  from  con  • 
demnation  by  having  unsatisfied  demands  At 
the  last  Session  Congress  not  only  abolished 
slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  but,  to 
quiet  clamorous  men,  an  act  of*  Confiscation 
and  Emancipation  was  passed,  which,  in  the 
opinion  of  leading  Republicans,  was  unconsti 
tutional  and  unjust.  By  this  act  the  rebels 
have  no  property — not  even  their  o'wn  lives — and 
they  own  no  slaves.  Bat  to  the  astonishment 
and  disgust  of  those  who  believe  in  the  policy 
of  statutes  and  proclamations,  the.°e  rebels  still 
live  and  fight  and  hold  their  si  ves.  These 
measures  seem  to  have  reanimated  them.  They 
have  a  careless  and  reckless  way  of  appropr^- 
ating  their  lives  and  property,  which  by  act  of 
Congress  belong  to  us,  iu  support  of  their 
cause. 

But  these  fanatical  men  have  learned  that  it 
is  necessary  to  win  a  victory  before  they  di 
vide  the  spoil — and  what  do  they  now  propose? 
As  they  cannot  take  the  property  of  rebels 
beyond  their  reach  they  will  take  the  property 
of  the  loyal  men  of  the  Border  States.  The 
violent  men  of  this  party  as  you  know  from  ex 
perience,  my  conservative  Republican  friend,  in 
the  end  have  their  way.  They  now  demand 
that  the  President  shall  issue  a  Proclamation 
of  immediate  and  universal  emancipation  ? 
Against  whom  is  this  to  be  directed  ?  Not 
against  those  in  rebellion  for  they  came  within 
the  scope  of  the  act  of  Congress.  It  can 
only  be  applied  to  those  who  have  been  true  to 
our  Uuiou  and  our  Flag.  They  are  to  be  pun 
ished  for  their  loyalty.  When  we  consider 
their  sufferings  and  their  cruel  wrongs  at  the 
hands  of  the  secessionists,  their  reliance  upon 
our  faith,  is  not  this  proposal  black  with  ingrati 
tude?  , 

The  scheme  for  an  immediate  emancipation 
and  general  arming  of  the  slaves  throughout 
the  South  is  a  proposal  for  the  butchery  of 
women  and  children,  for  scenes  of  lust  and 
rapine;  of  arsan  and  murder  unparalelled  in  the 
history  of  the  world.  The  horrors  of  the  French 
Revolution  would  become  tame  in  comparison. 
Its  effect  would  not  be  confined  to  the  walls 
of  cities,  but  there  would  be  a  wide  sprea\d 
scene  of  horror  over  the  vast,  expanse  of 
great  States,  involving  alike  the  loyal  and 
seditious.  Such  malignity  and  cowardice  would 


12 


invoke  the  interferfnce  of  civilized  Europe. 
History  tells  of  the  fires  kindled  in  the  name  of 
religion,  of  atrocities  committed  under  pr-.  texts 
of  order  or  liberty;  but  it  is  now  urged  that 
scenes  bloodier  than  the  world  has  yet  seen 
shall  be  enacted  in  the  name  of  philanthrophy! 

A  proclamation  of  general  and  armed  eman 
cipation  at  this  time,  would  be  a  cruel  wrong  to 
the  African.  It  is  now  officially  declared  in 
Presidential  addresses,  which  are  fortified  by 
Cougressi  >nal  action,  that  the  negro  cannot  live 
in  the  enjoyment  of  the  full  privileges  of  life 
among  the  white  race.  It  is  now  admitted, 
after  our  loss  of  infinite  blood  and  treasure, 
that  the  great  problem  we  have  to  settle  is  not 
the  slavery,  but  the  negro  question.  A  terrible 
question,  not  springing  from  statutes  or  usages, 
but  growing  out  of  the  unchang&ble  distinction 
of  race.  It  is  discovered  at  this  late  day,  in 
Republican  Illinois,  that  it  is  right  to  drive  him 
from  its  soil.  It  is  disco\ered  by  a  Republican 
C  >cgress,  after  convu'sing  our  country  with  de 
clarations  in  favor  of  his  equal  rights,  and  as 
serting  that  he  was  merely  the  victim  of  unjust 
laws,  that  he  should  be  sent  away  from  our 
land.  The  issue  is  now  changed.  The  South 
holds  that  the  African  is  fit  to  live  here  as  a 
slave.  Our  Republican  Government  denies  that 
he  is  fit  to  live  here  at  all. 

The  Republican  party  cannot  save  the  coun 
try,  because  through  its  powerful  Press  it 
teaches  contempt  for  the  Laws,  Constitution 
aud  constituted  authorities.  They  are  not  only 
destroying  tha  Union,  but  they  are  shaking  and 
weakeuiug  the  whole  structures  of  State  as  well 
as  of  the  National  Government,  by  denuncia 
tions  of  every  law  and  of  all  authority  that 
stand  in  the  way  of  their  passions  or  their  pur 
poses.  They  have  not  only  carried  discord  into 
our  churches  and  legislative  halls,  but  into  our 
armies.  Every  General  who  agrees  with  them 
upon  the  sutyect  of  Slavery  is  upheld  in  every 
act  of  insubordination  and  sustained  against 
the  clearest  proofs  of  incompetence,  if  not  of 
corruption.  On  the  other  hand,  every  Com 
mander  who  differs  from  thbir  views  upon  the 
single  poiot  of  Slavery,  is  denounced,  not  only 
for  incompetency,  but  constantly  depreciated 
in  every  act.  No  man  is  allowed  to  be  a  Chris 
tian;  no  man  is  regarded  as  a  Statesman;  no 
man  is  suliered  unmolested  to  do  his  duty  as  a 
Soldier  unless  he  supports  measures  which  no 
oue  dared  to  urge  eighteen  months  since.  They 
iusist  that  martial  law  is  superior  to  constitu- 
tiuna  Uw,  th  it  the  wiils  of  Generals  in  the  field 
a  e  ab  >ve  nil  rrstr&iuts;  buc  they  detnauci  fur 
themselves  the  right  to  direct  and  control  these 
Geuera  s.  They  ciaim  an  influence  higher  than 
tnoy  will  allow  to  the  laws  of  the  land.  Are 
these  displays  of  insuborbiaation  and  violence 
safe  al  this  time? 

The  weight  of  annual  taxation  will  test  se 
verely  the  loyalty  of  the  people  of  the  North. 
Repudiation  of  our  financial  obligations  would 
cause  disorder  and  endless  moral  evils.  Pecu 
niary  rights  will  never  be  held  more  sacred  than 
personal  rights  Repudiation  of  the  Constitu 
tion  involves-  repudiation  of  National  debts,  of 
its  guaranties  of  rights  of  property,  of  person, 


and  of  conscience*  The  moment  we  show  the 
world  that  we  do  not  hold  the  Constitution  to 
be  a  sacred  compact,  we  not  only  destroy  all 
sense  of  security,  but  we  turn  away  from  our 
shores  the  vast  tide  of  foreign  immigration. 
It  comes  here  now  not  because  there  are  not 
other  skies  as  bright  and  other  lands  as  pro 
ductive  as  ours.  It  seeks  here  security  for 
freedom — for  rights  of  conscience — for  immu 
nity  from  tyranical  interferences,  and  from, 
meddling  impertinence.  The  home  and  fireside 
rights  heretofore  enjoyed  by  the  American, 
people — enjoyed  under  protection  of  written 
Constitution,  have  made  us  great  and  prosper 
ous.  I  entreat  you  again,  touch  them  not  with 
sacrilegeous  hands!  We  are  threatened  with 
the  breaking  np  of  our  social  system,  with  the 
overthrow  of  State  and  National  Governments, 
If  we  begin  a  war  upon  the  compromises  of  the 
Constitution  we  must  go  through  with  it.  It 
contains  many  restraints  upon  our  natural 
rights.  It  may  be  asked  by  what  right  do  the 
six  small  New  England  States,  with  a  population 
less  than  that  of  New  York,  have  six  times  its 
power  in  the  Senato,  which  has  become  the  con- 
troling  branch  of  government?  By  what  natu 
ral  right  do  these  States  with  their  small  uni 
ted  populations  and  limited  territories  balance 
the  power  of  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Ohio, 
Illinois,  Indiana  and  Michigan?  The  vast  debt 
growing  out  of  this  war  will  give  rise  to  new 
and  angry  discussions.  It  will  be  held  almost 
exclusively  in  a  few  Atlantic  States.  Look  upon 
the  map  of  the  Union  aud  see  how  small  is  the 
territory  in  which  it  will  be  owned.  We  are 
to  be  divided  into  creditor  and  debtor  States, 
and  the  last  will  have  a  vast  preponderance 
of  power  and  strength .  Unfortunately  there 
is  no  taxation  upon  this  national  debt  and  its 
share  is  thrown  off  upon  other  property.  It  is 
held  where  many  of  the  government  contracts 
have  been  executed,  and  where  in  some  in 
stances,  gross  frauds,  have  been  practiced.  It 
is  held  largely  where  the  Constitution  gives  a 
dispropoitional  share  of  political  power.  With 
all  these  elements  of  discord,  is  it  wise  to  assail 
constitutional  law,  or  bring  authority  into  con 
tempt.  Is  it  safe  to  encourage  the  formation  of 
irresponsible  commit'ees,  made  up  of  imperti 
nent  men,  who  thrust  themselves  into  the  con 
duct  of  public  affairs  and  try  to  dictate  to  legal 
rulers?  or  will  you  tolerate  the  enrollment  of 
armies  which  are  not  constituted  or  organized 
by  proper  authorities  ?  Are  such  things  just 
towards  those  who  have  placed  their  fortunes 
iu  the  hands  of  the  government,  at  this  crisis? 

We  implore  you  do  not  be  deceived  again 
with  tb;s  Syren  song  of  no  danger.  There  is 
danger,  great  and  imminent,,  of  the  destruction 
of  all  government,  of  safety  for  life  and  property. 
unless  the  duty  of  obedience  ro  law  and  respect 
for  authorities  aud  the  honest  support  of  those 
in  the  public  service  both  military  and  civil, 
ara  taught  and  enforced,  by  all  means  within 
our  control. 

With  us  there  is  no  excuse  for  revolutionary 
action.  Our  system  of  government  give  peace 
ful  remedies  for  all  evils  in  legislation. 


13 


WHAT   THE    DEMOCRATIC   PART?  PROPOSE   TO  DO.  ' 

Mr.  President :  It  will  be  asked  what  do 
we  propose  to  do  We  mean,  with  all  our 
powers  of  mind  and  person  to  support  the  Con 
stitution  and  uphold  the  Union;  to  maintain 
tho  laws,  to  preserve  the  public  faith.  We 
iasist  upon  obedience  to  laws  and  respect  for 
Constitutional  authority;  we  will  defend  the 
rights  of  citizens;  we  mean  that  rulers  and  sub 
jects  shall  respect  the  laws;  we  will  put  down 
all  revolutionary  committees;  we  will  resist  all 
unauthorized  organizations  of  armed  men;  we 
will  spurn  officious  meddlers  who  are  impudently 
pushing  themselves  into  the  councils  of  our 
Government  Politically  opposed  to  those  in 
authority,  we  demand  they  shall  be  treated  with 
the  respect  due  to  their  positions  as  the  repre 
sentatives  of  the  dignity  and  honor  of  the 
American  people.  We  do  not  try  to  save  our 
country  by  abandoning  its  government.  In 
these  times  of  trial  and  danger  we  cling  more 
closely  to  the  great  principles  of  civil  and  reli 
gious  liberty  and  of  personal  right;  we  will  man 
the  defences  and  barriers  which  the  Constitu 
tion  throws  around  them;  we  will  revive  the 
courage  and  strengthen  the  arms  of  loyal  men  by 
showing  them  they  have  a  living  government 
about  which  to  rally;  we  will  proclaim  amidst 
the  confusion  and  uproar  of  civil  war,  with 
louder  tones  and  firmer  voices  the  great  max 
ims  and  principles  of  civil  liberfy,  order  and 
obedience  What  has  perpetuated  the  great 
ness  of  that  nation  from  which  we  derive  so 
many  of  our  maxims?  Not  its  victories  upon 
land  nor  its  triumphs  upon  the  seas,  but  its 
firm  adherence  to  its  traditional  policy.  The 
words  of  Coke,  of  Camden  and  Mansfield,  have 
for  long  periods  of  time  given  strength  and  vital 
ity  and  hoior  to  its  social  system,  while  battles 
have  lost  their  significance  When  England 
was  agitated  by  the  throes  of  violence — 
when  the  person  of  the  King  was  insulted; 
when  Parliament  was  besieged  by  mobs  mad 
dened  by  bigotry;  when  the  life  of  Lord  Mans 
field  was  sought  by  infuriated  fanatics,  and  his 
bouse  was  burned  by  incendiary  tires  then  he 
mttered  those  words  which  checked  at  once 
unlawful  power  and  lawless  violence.  He  de 
clared  that  every  citizen  was  entitled  to  his 
rights  according  to  the  known  procedures  of 
the  land.  He  showed  to  the  world  the  calm 
and  awi'ul  majesty  of  the  law,  unshaken  amidst 
convulsions.  Self  reliant  in  its  strength  and 
purity,  it  was  driven  to  DO  acts  which  destroy 
the  spirit  of  law.  Violence  was  rebuked,  the 
heart  of  the  nation  was  reassured,  a  sense  of 
security  grew  up.  and  the  storm  was  stilled 
Listen  to  his  word: 

Miserable  is  the  condition  of  individual?;  dangerous  is 
the  condition  of  the  State  where  there  is  no  certain  law, 
or  what  is  the  same  thing,  no  certain  administration  of 
law  by  which  individuals  mav  be  orotected  aud  the  State 
made  secuxe. 


Thus,  too,  will  we  stand  calmly  up  admidst 
present  disasters.  We  have  warned  the  public 
that  every  act  of  disobedience  weakened  their 
claims  to  protection.  We  have  admonished 
our  rulers  that  every  violation  of  right  de 
stroyed  sentiments  of  loyalty  and  duty.  That 
obedience  and  protection  were  reciprocal  ob 
ligations.  He  who  withholds  his  earnest 
and  cheerful  support  to  any  legal  demand  of 
bis  Government,  invites  oppression  and  usur 
pation  on  the  part  of  those  in  authority.  The 
public  servant  who  oversteps  his  jurisdiction  or 
tramples  upon  the  rights,  person,  property  or 
procedure  of  the  governed,  instigates  resistance 
and  revolt. 

Under  abuse  and  detraction  we  have  faith 
fully  acted  upon  these  precepts.  If  our  pur 
poses  were  factious,  the  elements  of  disorder 
are  everywhere  within  our  reach.  If  we  were 
as  disobedient  to  this  Government  and  as  de 
nunciatory  of  its  officials  as  those  who  placed 
them  in  power,  we  could  make  them  tremble  in 
their  seats  of  power.  We  have  been  obedient, 
loyal  and  patient.  We  shall  continue  to  be  so 
under  all  circumstances.  But  let  no  man  mis 
take  this  devotion  to  our  country  and  its  Con 
stitution  for  unworthy  fear.  We  have  no 
greater  stake  in  good  order  than  other  men. — 
Our  arms  are  as  strong,  our  endurance  as  great, 
our  fortitude  as  unwavering  as  that  of  our 
political  opponents.  But  we  seek  the  blessings 
of  peace,  of  law,  of  order.  We  ask  the  public 
to  mark  our  policy  and  our  position.  Opposed 
to  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  we  have  loyally 
sustained  him.  Differing  from  the  Administra 
tion  as  to  the  course  and  the  conduct  of  the 
war,  we  have  cheerfully  responded  to  every 
demand  made  upon  us.  To-day  we  are  putting 
forth  oar  utmost  efforts  to  reinforce  our  armies 
in  the  field.  Without  conditions  or  threats  we 
are  exerting  our  energies  to  strengthen  the 
hands  of  government  and  to  replace  it  in  the 
commanding  position  it  held  in  the  eyes  of  the 
world  before  recent  disasters.  Wo  are  pouring 
out  our  blood,  our  treasures,  and  our  men,  to 
rescue  it  from  a  position  in  which  it  cau  neither 
propose  peace  nor  conduct  successful  war.  And 
this  support  is  freely  and  generously  accorded. 
We  wish  to  see  our  Union  saved,  our  laws  vin 
dicated,  and  peace  once  more  restored  to  our 
land.  We  do  not  claim  more  virtue  or  intelli- 
gance  than  we  award  to  our  opponents,  but  we 
now  have  the  sad  and  bloody , proof  that  v/e  act 
upon  sounder  principles  of  government.  Anni- 
mated  by  the  motto  we  have  placed  upon  our 
banner — •'  The  Union,  the  Constitution  and  the 
Laws" — we  go  into  the  political  contest  con 
fident  of  the  support  of  a  People  who  cannot 
be  deaf  or  blind  to  the  teachings  of  the  latt  two 
vears. 


THE  NEW-YORK  WEEKLY  ARGUS 


To  Restore  the  Union  and  Maintain  the  Constitution. 


For  years  the  Democratic  and  Conservative  sentiment  of  the  Nation  has  been  keenly  alive  to  th« 
necessity  of  being  faithfully  and  ably  represented  by  a  rirst  class  Newspaper,  published  in  the  Citj 
of  New  York,  sustaining  the  same  relation  to  it  as  does  the  New  York  Tribune  to  Abolitionism  anc 
all  kinds  of  .Radicalism. 

The  undersigned,  from  their  connexion  with  the  Albany  ATLAS  &  ARGUS — one  of  the  oldest  anc 
best  known  Democratic  papers  in  the  Union— had  been  constantly  urged  to  respond  to  this  demand, 
and  finally  yielded  to  the  wishes  of  their  political  friends,  and  transierred  the  publication  of  theii 
Weekly  to  the  city  of  New  York,  and  issued  it  under  the  name  of 

MEW  YORK  WEEKLY  AUGUS. 

The  experiment  has  met  with  complete  success,  We  are  grateful  to  the  friends  of  sound  politica: 
principles',  who  have  enabled  us  in  a  few  months,  to  establish  on  a  paying  basis,  a  first  class  Ntu 
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No  labor  or  expense  will  be  spared  to  make  a'  paper  of  which  Democrats  and  Conservative  men 
will  be  proud.  The  responsible  Editors  are 

CALVERT  COMSTOCK,  WILLIAM  CASSIDY  &  EL01ST  COMSTOCK, 

With  ample  additional  and  special  assistance  in  the  several  departments  of  the  paper. 

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